Appendix i

1. What is Far Right and how to counter the rise of the far and extreme right?

The term far-right is commonly used to characterise extremist, nationalist perspectives, which encompass fascism and repressive ideologies. These values and ideologies are embraced by organisations operating globally. Far-right factions span from explicitly neo-fascist groups, to racist and anti-migrant groups, as well as homophobic and transphobic groups, misogynist groups, nativist groups, and fundamentalist religious groups.

The far-right aims to expand its support base by fueling feelings of discontent, bitterness, and alienation from decision-making processes, particularly in communities that have endured long-term poverty, inequality, and marginalisation. Amid the COVID pandemic, they directed their efforts towards exploiting frustrations regarding restrictions, lockdowns, mandatory mask-wearing, and spreading misinformation about vaccination programs.

The initial step in countering the far-right is to comprehend the tactics and messaging employed by far-right activists.

Address Socio-Economic Inequalities

  • Addressing Socio-Economic Disparities, implementing economic policies aimed at reducing income inequality, creating more job opportunities, and guaranteeing equitable wages is crucial. Economic instability often pushes individuals toward extremist beliefs. e.g. Finland’s UBI experiment (2017-2018) provided a basic income to a sample of unemployed citizens, aiming to reduce poverty and economic insecurity.

  • Social Safety Nets are imperative to bolster social safety nets, such as healthcare, education, and housing, to ensure that all citizens feel secure and valued. E.g. Vienna’s social housing model offers affordable housing to a significant portion of its population, fostering social stability and reducing inequality.

Promote Inclusive Education

  • Teaching the significance of democracy, human rights, and the perils of extremism through civic education is essential. Emphasizing critical thinking skills should be a priority. E.g. Germany mandates Holocaust education in schools to teach the dangers of extremist ideologies and the importance of human rights.

  • Educating people about diverse cultures, histories, and the contributions of different groups is vital for fostering mutual respect and understanding. Ontario, Canada, introduced an anti-racism strategy in schools that includes revised curriculum, training for teachers, and resources for students.

Media Responsibility

  • Media outlets should be encouraged to practise responsible journalism, steer clear of sensationalism, and provide balanced coverage. E.g. The BBC in the UK is mandated to provide impartial news coverage, which helps counteract biased or extremist narratives.

  • Promoting initiatives for fact-checking is crucial in the fight against misinformation and fake news. E.g The International Fact-Checking Network (IFCN) at Poynter supports fact-checking initiatives globally, ensuring accountability in media reporting.

Finland’s Basic Income Pilot:

The experiment in Finland on basic income, conducted from 2017 to 2018, provided a regular monthly income of €560 (£490) to 2,000 randomly selected unemployed individuals without the requirement to seek employment. Its aim was to investigate if a guaranteed income would motivate people to take on low-paid or temporary work without the fear of losing benefits. The findings indicated that those receiving the basic income reported greater satisfaction with their lives and experienced less mental stress compared to the control group. Additionally, the research revealed a slight positive impact on employment, particularly among families with children. Participants also demonstrated improved well-being, including feelings of independence, financial stability, and optimism about the future. Interestingly, some participants mentioned that the basic income enabled them to pursue their aspirations, establish businesses, and participate in more meaningful activities like volunteering and informal caregiving. It's important to note that while some individuals were more willing to accept poorly paid jobs they would have otherwise avoided, others felt empowered to turn down such jobs, thereby enhancing their sense of independence. Overall, the basic income experiment yielded promising results in terms of enhancing the well-being and choices of the recipients.

Vienna’s Social Housing Model:

Vienna has successfully implemented measures to maintain affordable inner-city housing, despite the rising rental prices seen in other cities. Renters in Vienna pay significantly less than those in London, Paris, and Dublin, with the average rent being around one-third of what is paid in those cities. One of the main reasons for Vienna's affordable housing is its large number of city-owned apartments. Vienna is home to approximately 220,000 socially rented apartments, making it the largest home-owning city in Europe.

These socially rented apartments are a result of an ambitious building program that began after the first world war, with the majority of them being constructed in the 1920s and 1930s. Vienna's housing approach is built on the concept of social sustainability, aiming to prevent the creation of segregated areas and encouraging a mix of people from diverse backgrounds and income levels within the same estates. The Viennese term for these estates is "Gemeindebauten," which translates to "communal buildings" and reflects the underlying philosophy of these housing developments.

Vienna's council estates, including those built after the second world war, do not have the stigma of poverty and crime often associated with similar developments in the US and Europe. Vienna's housing approach emphasises social sustainability and inclusivity, making social housing available to a wide spectrum of the population, not just the poor.



The Swedish Tolerance project:

The Swedish Tolerance project is presently known as the The Kungälv Demonstrate, one which began after the slaughtering of a youthful boy by skinheads within the town of Kungälv in 1995, and has been running for 20 years. The training includes a historical background of extreme right-wing groups in Sweden as well as a resource network of the latest trends and propaganda being utilised by these groups.

It is argued that local actors must analyse and have insight into local issues. In Kungälv, educators, social workers, and community youth workers collaborate to identify high school students who are either in or at risk of joining neo-Nazi gangs. They map the relationships and social structures in the area to pinpoint hotspots and at-risk children. They identify the places in daily life where youth are most approachable and establish partnerships with educators, parents, social workers, and schools.

Partitioning a group's organisational structure creates a distinct environment for instruction and social-pedagogical activities. In order to visualise the various roles, formations, and patterns of influence inside a group, the technique uses an image of a bunch of grapes. These roles include those of the core group, ideological collaborators, followers, girls, offenders, collaborators, sympathisers, bystanders, or searchers. It is necessary to demolish or split the structure that is the source of the discontent, yet doing so alone is insufficient. Additionally, efforts must be made to build fresh, wholesome, and social connections. High levels of adult involvement are required for the task, in addition to the presence and involvement of young people who are well-off socially and have strong empathy skills but no social obligations.

It is starting to show results after 20 years. It is asserted that Kungaʈlv is currently devoid of both official gangs and active Nazi or white nationalist organizations.There is less susceptibility, more security, and most significantly, less hatred. But the Kungälv Model's greatest accomplishment is its capacity to enable pupils from wildly disparate backgrounds "to sit down together, learn together, live together." The expenses of extremism and prevention were tallied in Kungaʈlv, and the results, they say, are 10 times greater than the costs.ts. According to a research titled "The Price of Intolerance"11, the municipality may have to pay more than 290 million SEK (43 million US) over a 15-year period to a white supremacist group).  The cost of running The Tolerance Project over the same period is about 13 million SEK.

The International Fact-Checking Network and Media Literacy:

Poynter Institute for Media Studies is a non-profit journalism school and research organization which established The International Fact-Checking Network (IFCN) in 2015 with the aim of uniting the growing community of fact-checkers globally and supporters of accurate information in the worldwide battle against misinformation. It supports fact-checkers by enabling networking, refining skills, and fostering collaboration. Through advocacy, training, and global events, IFCN promoted the quality of fact-checking to more than 100 organisations worldwide.

They have several local and international projects to debunk misinformation and promote media literacy, one of which is  The MediaWise Teen Fact-Checking Network. It is an online newsroom comprising middle and high school students who utilise social media to debunk viral misinformation and offer guidance for media literacy. The IFCN, which combined media literacy tips with fact-checks, has been a verified follower of the International Fact-Checking Network’s code of principles since 2020. In 2022, a partnership with PBS NewsHour Student Reporting Labs enabled millions of educators across the U.S. to access lesson plans based on the efforts of MediaWise’s Teen Fact-Checking Network.


2. How to stop extremist propaganda on social media - which regulation is needed?

Germany: Network Enforcement Act

The Act to Amend the Network Enforcement Act, which entered into force in Germany on June 28, 2021, aims to address the issue of online hate speech and fake news in social networks. The amendment introduces several significant changes to the original Network Enforcement Act, including measures to enhance the user-friendliness of the complaint procedure, establish an appeals procedure for flagged content, expand the transparency report requirements for social media networks, and strengthen the powers of the Federal Office of Justice to supervise compliance with the act.

One of the key changes introduced by the amendment is the requirement for social network providers to make the complaint procedure easily recognizable, directly accessible, and permanently available, as well as easy to use. This aims to address concerns about the lack of uniform implementation of complaint procedures by providers and the difficulty in accessing them.

Additionally, the amendment obligates social media providers to establish a mechanism for the review of decisions to remove or not remove flagged content, known as the appeals procedure. This allows complainants and affected users to initiate a review of the original decision within two weeks.

Furthermore, social media networks that receive more than 100 complaints about illegal content in a calendar year are required to publish biannual reports in German on how they deal with these complaints. The amendment also requires these reports to include more detailed information, such as whether procedures for automated detection of illegal content are used, the training data for the system, and the procedures for quality assurance or evaluation.

Moreover, the amendment expands the powers of the Federal Office of Justice to include supervisory powers, allowing the office to require social media providers to remedy infringements and request information about implementation measures, the number of registered users in Germany, and the number of complaints received.

Overall, the amendment to the Network Enforcement Act represents a significant effort to address the challenges posed by online hate speech and fake news, improve the accountability of social media platforms, and enhance user protection and freedom of expression.

The Digital Services Act (DSA) in the European Union:

The Digital Services Act (DSA) is a regulatory framework that governs online intermediaries and platforms, including marketplaces, social networks, content-sharing platforms, app stores, and online travel and accommodation platforms. Its main aim is to prevent illegal and harmful activities online, as well as the spread of disinformation, to ensure user safety, protect fundamental rights, and create a fair and open online platform environment. The key goals of the DSA are to protect consumers and their fundamental rights online by establishing clear and proportionate rules, fostering innovation, growth, and competitiveness, and facilitating the scaling up of smaller platforms, SMEs, and start-ups.

It also seeks to rebalance the roles of users, platforms, and public authorities according to European values, placing citizens at the centre. The DSA covers various providers, including online intermediary services, very large online platforms and search engines, online marketplaces, app stores, collaborative economy platforms, social media platforms, cloud and web hosting services, Internet access providers, and domain name registrars. All online intermediaries offering their services in the single market, whether they are established in the EU or outside, will have to comply with the new rules. Micro and small companies will have obligations proportionate to their ability and size, with targeted exemptions during a transitional 12-month period if they experience significant growth.

The DSA entered into force on 17 February 2024, with the rules applying to all platforms. However, since the end of August 2023, the rules had already applied to designated platforms with more than 45 million users in the EU, known as Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) or Very Large Online Search Engines (VLOSEs). The enforcement of the DSA will be carried out by the European Commission together with national authorities, who will oversee the compliance of platforms established in their territory. The Commission will primarily be responsible for monitoring and enforcing the additional obligations applying to VLOPs and VLOSEs, such as measures to mitigate systemic risks.


The Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT):

The Global Internet Forum to Counter Terrorism (GIFCT) is a collaborative initiative that involves technology companies, governments, and non-governmental organisations to prevent terrorists and violent extremists from exploiting digital platforms. Established in 2017 by major technology companies such as Facebook, Microsoft, Twitter, and YouTube, GIFCT aims to enhance global efforts to combat online extremism. The forum operates through various activities, including information sharing, collaboration, and the operation of a hash-sharing database to identify and remove terrorist content efficiently. GIFCT promotes the development and deployment of AI and machine learning technologies to detect and remove extremist content quickly and accurately. The forum also focuses on transparency reporting, accountability frameworks, capacity building, and education to improve content moderation capabilities. Additionally, GIFCT engages in international collaboration, partnerships with governments and NGOs, and multilateral initiatives to address the transnational nature of online extremism. The forum has established an Independent Advisory Committee to ensure alignment with human rights and ethical standards. Since its inception, GIFCT has made significant strides in content removal, technology improvement, and enhanced cooperation. Looking ahead, GIFCT aims to expand membership, enhance transparency, and innovate solutions to create a safer digital environment. Through these efforts, GIFCT seeks to swiftly and effectively address extremist content, protecting users and upholding the values of open and secure online platforms.


3. Why is far-right sentiment increasing in Europe and how its effecting composition of governments? 


Case Study of Netherlands:

The support for extreme right-wing parties is on the rise in Europe, with populist, anti-immigrant parties gaining significant victories. The Netherlands saw a major win for the Party for Freedom, led by Geert Wilders, winning 37 seats in the 150-seat legislature.

Wilders has a history of anti-immigration and anti-EU stance, aiming to prioritise Dutch people and restrict asylum and migration. His party's recent landslide victory marked a turning point. Wilders is known for his anti-Islam and anti-EU rhetoric, which gained traction following the murder of filmmaker Theo van Gogh by a second-generation Dutch Moroccan.
His party's platform argues that migration has weakened the Netherlands. The surge in support for Wilders is attributed to rising energy costs due to the Ukraine war and sanctions against Russian oil. He capitalised on anti-immigrant sentiment and appealed to voters disenchanted by rising costs and high prices.

This strategy set the tone of the debate, leading centre-right parties to adopt more conservative approaches to migration and asylum. However, beyond migration, the party's agenda regarding the housing crisis and rising cost of living also played a role in garnering support.


Case Study of France:

The far-right National Rally (RN) in France is gaining power and popularity, causing concern among mainstream politicians. Several factors contribute to the far right's appeal, including widespread dissatisfaction with President Emmanuel Macron's government, economic difficulties, and public unrest following incidents such as urban riots and terror attacks. The rise in anti-Semitic incidents and debates about French identity and immigration further fuel the far right's influence. 

In an effort to gain acceptance among mainstream French voters, Le Pen and her supporters have adjusted their rhetoric and reevaluated certain unpopular policies, such as leaving the European Union. They have also adopted new positions to attract voters. Throughout the 2022 presidential election, Le Pen's campaign primarily focused on addressing the financial difficulties experienced by French households as a result of rising inflation.

Despite ultimately losing the presidential election to Macron, Le Pen secured an unprecedented 40 percent of the vote, and the RN achieved a record 88 seats in the National Assembly during parliamentary elections. Recent polls indicate a shift in public perception, with more people viewing the far right positively and considering its participation in government. Additionally, a decreasing number of respondents see the RN as a threat to French democracy, marking a significant change in public opinion since the inception of the survey in 1984.


Case Study of Finland:

In recent years, Finland has seen a rise in far-right political movements, with the Finns Party gaining significant traction. A four-party coalition led by the conservative National Coalition Party (NCP) was formed after 74 days of negotiations following the April election. The Finns Party, a right-wing populist party with a history of promoting ethnic Finnish nationalism, now supplies the new government’s deputy prime minister and seven cabinet ministers, controlling key ministries such as finance, home affairs, justice, and international development.

Sanna Marin’s left-wing government prioritized stricter climate policies and reduced gender-based inequalities, but the government's debt grew significantly during its term. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine led to a shift in Finnish popular opinion regarding NATO membership, influencing the elections greatly. Economic and security conditions increased the popularity of right-wing parties, with the National Coalition Party advocating for Finland’s NATO membership and urgent reduction of public debt. The far-right Finns Party, which came second in the election, focused on anti-immigration policies and proposed cutting climate measures and development funding to balance the budget.

The Social Democratic Party, led by Sanna Marin, came third in the election, which is significant since the ruling party tends to perform worse in parliamentary elections. The Greens and the Left Alliance experienced a fall in support, and some experts believe that strategic voting for the Social Democratic Party aimed to prevent the emergence of a conservative right-wing government. The newly formed government coalition with the Finns Party, Swedish People’s Party of Finland, and the Christian Democrats is considered the most right-wing government Finland has had since the 1930s.